Jordan's Stunning Change:

The Shift in Hashemite Succession

Last August, The Estimate provided a Dossier entitled “Jordan at a Critical Crossroads: The Hashemite Succession” (The Estimate, August 14, 1998), concluding that Crown Prince Hassan was almost certainly going to be retained as heir to the Jordanian throne, despite rumors circulating at the time of King Hussein's travel to the US for cancer treatment that he might change the succession in favor of one of his own sons. Despite a great deal of gossip and speculation, the consensus of most Jordan-watchers then was that the issue was who would become Crown Prince after Hassan ascended the throne, and in fact that same month King Hussein told Radio Monte Carlo that any speculation he might replace Hassan was “out of line”. No longer.

Outside observers and apparently most Jordanians were stunned by the seemingly precipitate nature of the King's decision to replace Crown Prince Hassan with the King's eldest son, Prince 'Abdullah, and the King's sharp criticism of his brother's tenure as regent, though the King had signaled the imminent change for a few days. Barely had the celebration of the King's return after six months' absence ended, than the Crown Prince was replaced; before that news had fully sunk in, the King was returning to the US with a recurrence of his lymphoma. Many wondered if the peremptory, almost cruel speed with which the change was made was motivated by Hussein's belief his own demise might be imminent, or in some other way a result of his illness and its treatment.

The Jordanian Constitution provides that normally the Crown passes to the King's eldest son, but also provides that the King may choose one of his brothers if he chooses. Shifting from Hassan to 'Abdullah was, then, constitutionally sound: naming one of the younger sons, such as Prince Hamza, widely rumored to be the King's favorite, would have required a constitutional amendment. In the past, the fact that 'Abdullah's mother, Princess Muna, was British was seen as an impediment, but as the British Mandate era recedes into the past, that issue seems to have receded as well. (Hamza's mother, of course, is an American, though of Arab descent.)

But many Jordanians were reportedly startled by the speed and manner in which Hassan was replaced after more than three decades as Crown Prince, and the open criticism the King gave of his handling of the job. There were plenty of rumors as well: that Hassan's wife, Princess Sarvath, had already begun redecorating the Crown Prince's office as if the King were already dead; that the King became convinced, in his absence, that the Crown Prince was acting as if he were, in fact, the King, and not merely the Regent. Although there was talk that the King would name Hassan as a “Deputy” to the King, he did not do so before departing for the Mayo Clinic again. Some wondered how Hassan would react to his rather public dressing-down and “firing”. Many expected him to go abroad, though if the King's passing comes soon, he may feel obliged to remain and show support for 'Abdullah.

The general outline of the issues involved in the Hashemite succession were discussed in the Dossier cited earlier. This one looks at the immediate implications of the change, and the new Crown Prince, who also found himself as Regent within hours of his appointment.

F ormer Crown Prince Hassan is a familiar figure in the West as well as in Jordan: an Oxford graduate in Oriental studies, a man much involved in promoting business and investment in Jordan, with links to the peace process with Israel, and a longtime stand-in for his brother when the latter was traveling or indisposed. For 33 years Hassan loyally served as the heir apparent; this made the sudden nature of his replacement and the critical tone of King Hussein's dismissal letter particularly startling to many observers. There has never been any doubt that the two men are quite different in temperament and style, or that Hussein might someday wish to see his own sons succeed to the throne, but the fact that Hassan was essentially fired on the King's return made the event all the more stunning.

Last year, there had been a wave of rumors that the King was favoring one son or another: one longtime Jordan-watcher called it the “flavor of the week”. Hussein's eldest son, 'Abdullah (profiled below), won high praise for actions of his Special Forces; a unit was named for Prince 'Ali, son of the King by the late Queen 'Alia and thus a Palestinian as well as a Hashemite; and when the King sent a letter to his son Hamza, the eldest son by present Queen Noor and reportedly the King's favorite, he pointedly noted that when he was Hamza's age, he was King already. Hamza is currently at Sandhurst, where the King was studying when he succeeded to the throne, and there were many rumors that the Queen was promoting the idea of naming her son heir.

As noted earlier, the constitution specifies that the Crown goes to the King's eldest son, unless the King chooses one of his brothers. That meant, barring a constitutional amendment, 'Abdullah, born in 1962 to the King's second wife, the British-born Princess Muna (born Toni Gardiner). ('Abdullah was considered the heir from 1962 until Hassan's designation in 1965.) Eventually the King put the speculation to rest by frequently referring to Hassan as his Crown Prince and qurrat 'ayni, “the delight of my eye”. The gossip and speculation then shifted to whether the King would seek to have one of his sons named as Crown Prince on Hassan's succession, so that the line would return to Hussein's own. But once Hassan became King, he could easily change the designation of Crown Prince, and his own son, Prince Rashid, would be a natural choice. Rashid, born in 1979, is still young, but Hassan is still in his 50s, and it might be years before the succession issue would have come up again. It is widely believed, however, that Hussein always wanted to see the succession return to his own line after Hassan, and Rashid is said to have shown little interest in politics, though his mother, Princess Sarvath, is widely believed to harbor ambitions for him.

Then there are all the other calculations, produced by King Hussein's having sons by three of his four wives. 'Abdullah, the eldest and constitutionally first in line for the throne, had a British mother, though she was a convert to Islam. In the 1960s, when 'Abdullah was an infant, and colonial memories much more recent, that was more of an impediment than today. If an English mother disqualified 'Abdullah, however, it would also disqualify his brother Faisal, born in 1963. An Air Force officer, Faisal is considered highly competent, but not usually seen as a likely successor.

The King's third wife, Queen 'Alia gave birth to Prince 'Ali in 1975, and because 'Alia came from the important Nablus family, the Touqans, 'Ali was long seen as a possible successor, being equal parts Palestinian and Hashemite, a good symbol of modern Jordan. Hamza, born 1980, is the eldest son by the present Queen, Noor. (There is also a younger son, Hashem.) Hamza is said to be the King's favorite, and he spent much time with his parents during the King's long stay in the United States. Noor is an American, but of Arab-American ancestry, and a convert to Islam. Hamza, who will be 19 in March, may also remind the King of himself, who succeeded at age 17 while a cadet at Sandhurst, as Hamza is now.

When speculation was rife last year, Hussein moved to quell it, reasserting his support for Hassan. But signs of discontent began to be seen. Queen Noor in a television interview was ambivalent about the succession. From London before his return, the King referred to Hassan as his “deputy”, not as Regent or Crown Prince. On his return, he sent more clear signals. Rumors, leaks and “spin” spoke of such matters as Princess Sarvath's remodeling the palace, and the King's dissatisfaction with other matters.

The King's Letter to Hassan

The clearest signal of all was the actual dismissal. The King's January 25 letter informing Hassan of his removal was quite long and, in the view of some observers, aired a bit of the Hashemite family's dirty linen in public. At times it was almost intemperate, denouncing “climbers” in Hassan's entourage who sought to “destroy Jordan”. Though the King began by praising Hassan's handling of his job for over 30 years “with diligence, enthusiasm and resolve that knows no fatigue or failure”, the praise soon turned to criticism. (The quotes which follow use the Jordan Times' English translation of the letter.) Noting that he had designated Hassan in the 1960s because the King's son was too young, and that in fact he had passed over the middle brother, Prince Muhammad, in order to name Hassan, the King also said that after his first cancer surgery in 1992, he had returned home “deciding to abdicate the throne in your favor despite the differences between us at time.” The very next sentence says that “my small family was offended by slandering and falsehoods, and I refer here to my wife and children”, and goes on to blame this on “those who pretend to be faithful to you”, that is, then-Crown Prince Hassan's retainers.

At this point the King warns against “climbers” who “climb onto the branch to ruin the relation between brothers and between father and son”, saying this is the objective of “every declared or hidden enemy”, whose “plan at this stage” is to “instigate infighting in the ranks of the leadership . . . and they find in my being alive an impediment to all their designs”. The King appears to be accusing persons around Hassan of wanting him dead, one of the strongest accusations in the whole letter.

Though praising Hassan's role in the peace process with Israel, the letter returns to recriminations: the King notes that he proposed the formation of a family council “to ensure the unity of the Hashemite family so that when the time came for you to choose your successor, the family would have a great role in naming the most suitable successor”. In short, Hussein wanted the family, not a future King Hassan, to decide on Hassan's successor, and says that “until that time” he was determined to keep Hassan as the Crown Prince. However, the King claimed in his letter, Hassan was “completely opposed” to the family council idea, which the King said would include former Army Commander and Prime Minister Prince Zayd bin Shakir, among others.

The King then addresses criticism of his son Hamza, the eldest son by Noor, widely rumored to be Noor's candidate for the succession. Saying Hamza “has been envied since childhood because he was close to me” and interested in the family's history, praising Hamza's “integrity and magnanimity as he stayed beside me” during the King's illness, the King then moves on to praise Queen Noor. Often regarded as unpopular because of her American origin, the King praised her as “the Jordanian, who belongs to this country with every fiber of her being”, the “mother who devotes all her efforts to her family” who “hid her tears behind smiles”.

From this almost maudlin tone the letter shifts to a much more serious subject: “I have intervened from my sickbed to prevent meddling in the affairs of the Arab Army. This meddling seemed to be meant to settle scores, and included retiring efficient officers . . .” Among these, he says, was the Army Chief of Staff, Field Marshal 'Abd al-Hafiz al-Ka'abna, accused of corruption because of a house built for him, but, the King asserts, “I am the one who paid for the house”. He also criticizes the transfer of “efficient ambassadors without reason except the reason of age” and says that “That is why I returned to the homeland: To rectify matters as soon as possible and to assume my duties towards future generations.”

The tone of rebuke is quite clear; the complaint that the Regent was “meddling” with the Army (when the Regent had the King's powers delegated to him) suggests a serious disagreement with Hassan on this crucial issue.

The Future

A common reaction to the dismissal was to wonder why the King, long a master of political finesse, had done it in such a heavy-handed, precipitate way. Why not wait a while and replace Hassan, leaving him a fig leaf of personal dignity, instead of firing him almost the moment the King returned home? The King's sudden return to the US may hold the answer: perhaps the King feels he has very little time left, and was sufficiently concerned about his loss of confidence in Hassan to act quickly. Others wonder if, given the tone and rambling style of the letter, the King's illness has affected his judgment.

Jordanians will no doubt accept 'Abdullah, but his experience is more limited than Hassan's, and he has little experience of politics or statecraft. The imminence of possible dramatic changes in the region (such as Palestinian declaration of independence) may also be considerations. Though no statesman, 'Abdullah has a Palestinian wife, and

Yasir 'Arafat was known not to get along with Hassan. All these factors, and those mentioned in the letter, and the influence of Noor (who is said to get along with neither Hassan nor Sarvath) may have worked together to undermine the King's confidence in his brother. But with the King again out of the country, Jordanians wonder if they will have time to get used to 'Abdullah as Regent before getting used to him as King.



Jordan's New Crown Prince 'Abdullah bin al-Hussein

`Abdullah bin al-Hussein, who turns 37 this weekend, became both Crown Prince and Regent of Jordan earlier this week, surely making for a memorable birthday. He is the eldest son of King Hussein, born on January 30, 1962 to the King's second wife, Princess Muna, the former Toni Avril Gardiner. Although the Jordanian Constitution provides that the Crown normally passes to the King's eldest son, the fact that 'Abdullah's mother was English (though a convert to Islam) was widely seen as an impediment in the tense period of the early 1960s, when there were still many challenges to the Hashemite throne. Although 'Abdullah was technically the heir presumptive under the constitution after his birth, in 1965 King Hussein named his brother Hassan as Crown Prince, providing a greater sense of stability than a very young heir to the throne would have done.

'Abdullah spent much of his education and early career abroad; some in Jordan claim he speaks English better than Arabic. After initial primary school in Amman, he was sent to St. Edmund's school in Great Britain. His secondary schooling was at Deerfield Academy in the US. He entered the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, which his father also attended, in 1980; in 1981 he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Hussars of the British Army, serving in Germany and the UK. He took a one-year program in International Politics at Oxford in 1983-84, and later another one-year program at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, in 1987-88. Other professional training has included the Company Commander's Course at the US Army's Armor School at Fort Knox, Kentucky; an All Arms Tactics Course at the British School of Infantry and a course at Britain's Command and Staff College at Camberley.

In 1984 he was made a First Lieutenant in the Jordanian Army and became a platoon leader in the 40th Armored Brigade; the following year he was promoted Captain of a tank company in the 91st Brigade. In 1986 he served as a tactics instructor in the Jordanian Air Force's Helicopter anti-tank wing. In 1989 he was promoted to major and served as second in command of a tank battalion in the Second Guards Brigade. In 1991 he became a Lieutenant Colonel and the Armor Representative at the Office of the Inspector General; in 1992 he commanded the 2nd Armored Car Regiment in the 40th Brigade; and in 1993 he was promoted to full colonel. In 1994 he became a brigadier, and then Deputy Commander and finally Commander of the Special Forces. In 1996 the Special Forces and the Royal Guard were merged in a new Special Operations Command. 'Abdullah currently holds the rank of Major General. Last year he received considerable praise for a Special Forces Operation which captured gunmen who had carried out killings in Amman. He has always shown more interest in his military career than in politics, and many expect he would ultimately be named Chief of Staff, unless he succeeds to the throne sooner.

'Abdullah did not marry until he was past 30; like his father he enjoyed a reputation as something of a playboy. But in June of 1993, he married Rania Yassin, a Palestinian whose roots are in the West Bank city of Tulkarm, though she was largely raised in Kuwait. They have two children, a son Hussein, born June 28, 1994, and a daughter, Iman, born September 27, 1996.

'Abdullah shares many of his father's more adventuresome hobbies, including flying, scuba diving (he is a qualified military pilot and frogman as well) and auto racing. He also collects antique weapons.















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Monday, December 18, 2006
With Caroline Laurent
Elle Magazine
Rania of Jordan
Her relationship, her struggles, her freedom

She is beautiful, vibrant and contemporary— Queen Rania of Jordan has redefined the look of the modern monarch with her own sense of style. Since becoming Queen almost seven years ago, she has succeeded in balancing her time between family, royal duties, and championing causes close to her heart including promoting women's rights in the Arab world. Here she shares her thoughts with Caroline Laurent. Photos by Gilles Bensimon.

She was born in Kuwait to an average middle class family of Palestinian origin, and was leading “an anonymous and normal life” before her marriage to King Abdullah of Jordan (then Prince), thirteen years ago. The media has been infatuated with the "Jackie O. of the Middle East" since she first stepped into the spotlight, and recent coverage of an alleged divorce has hit newsstands everywhere. Rania of Jordan is a 36-year-old mother of four, and an international style icon who is undeniably charismatic and modern. She is also committed to defending children's and women's rights, and bridging the gap between East and West. As events were unfolding in hot zones in the Middle East, she received us in Amman where she spoke of equality and the need to foster peace and understanding between people of the world.

What type of life did you imagine yourself living when you were a young woman, unknown to the public?

I grew up in a very ordinary, private family…doing pretty regular things….cinema…gym…restaurants… interacting and making friends with people from all walks of life - and I’m so glad I did. My parents instilled in my brother, sister and I the value of hard work as a key to success in life. When I was in college, I studied business so I would probably have become a businesswoman. I thought I would start my own company or something like that. I think I was open to ideas. Like most graduates, I didn't have a set path that I wanted to follow.

According to the Constitution, as Queen you have no political power. Do you consider, nevertheless, that you influence the King through your initiatives?

The King has the executive power and the political and economic power. I work mostly through civil society organizations. But, like in any partnership, in any marriage, you sit over dinner and you talk about your day, and he tells me what he has done and is doing, and sometimes I show him a speech that I have and he’ll tell me "Oh, that sounds good, or it doesn’t." We always say that we’re each other’s biggest fans and also biggest critics, which is a good partnership!

There is, however, a persistent rumour concerning divorce, or even your forthcoming divorce…?

I heard the rumours! Everybody in the public eye is exposed to rumours of all sorts. I find that some of these rumours can be hurtful, particularly when they talk about your children or family. So I won't say that 'Oh, it doesn't bother me…' because I'm a human being and at the end of the day, you get hurt when you hear rumours like that.

This particular rumour, I don't know why it became so strong or so widespread, but the other day my husband and I were talking about it and he was saying he's glad that while things look bad on the outside, they're good on the inside; he thinks that's much better than things looking good on the outside and not being good on the inside.

We've been married now for 13 years, going on to 14, and we've never been more comfortable with each other and happier. We have a very strong relationship

So you are issuing an official denial in ELLE!

(Laughter) I officially confirm that there is absolutely no truth whatsoever! As I said, our marriage has never been more solid and our relationship has never been stronger.

People imagine that the royal children are surrounded by an army of nannies, and teachers, and you seem so close to your children …

I certainly don’t have an army of nannies. I do have one nanny and she helps with the children, and I have a tutor that helps them …because when I want to spend time with my children I don’t want to be spending time doing homework. But I definitely make a point of having a relationship with my children, and building trust. Especially as they get older, it's important that they feel that they can come back to me if they have any issues; I really want to have that bond, not lose it. For me, it’s a top priority, because even if I succeed in everything else, and I fail at raising my children, then I feel that I’ve failed …you know? So, at the end of the day, my children are my top priority, and that’s why I try to make it, as much as I can, a natural upbringing. For the most part, at least, I try to keep our home a sanctuary. And that’s where I can sort of make sure the environment is as normal as can be.

Do you feel free to say everything you want to publicly?

Yes, absolutely.

Have you ever had to choose between protocol and your personal convictions?

I try to make sure that I’m never having to make a choice between the two. There’s never a conflict between the two because at the end of the day, you have to be true to yourself and you can not be comfortable if you’re not living your life according to your own values and your own beliefs. So you know, so far, and I hope it never happens, I have never found that the state protocol is in conflict with my deep convictions.

You do not wear a veil. Is that one way of demonstrating your convictions and your ideas on the status of Muslim women?

Actually, in our religion there is no coercion. In other words, you’re not forced to wear a veil and that is a personal decision on my part not to wear the veil. For me, whether you wear the veil or not, is not an expression on your views of women; it doesn’t reflect on the status of women. This is a mistake I think that many people around the world make, that they take the veil and they assume that it represents a way of thinking, or that it represents oppression of women, or powerlessness. That’s not the case, you know, I prefer to judge women on their ethics, their values, what they think, what they do, rather than on what they wear.

As Queen of a Muslim country, does this decision not to wear a veil expose you to criticism?

Obviously being in the public eye, there are some people who would prefer me to be wearing the veil and there are some people who are very happy that I am not wearing the veil, so everybody has their opinion. But at the end of the day, as I said, it’s a personal choice on my behalf, and the funny thing is I am asked about the veil far more in the West than I am in the Middle East. When I’m in Jordan or I travel around the Arab world they just accept it, and it's normal, and I never feel out of place or that it is an issue. I always say about the veil: 'We should judge women according to what’s going on in their heads rather than what’s on top of their heads!'

You are known as a fashion icon. Are you restricted in your choice of apparel? Are you subject to criticism, for example, from conservatives?

Again, you know when you’re in the public eye you get all sorts of praise and all sorts of criticism, so I would be maybe criticized for some people thinking my clothes are not as conservative as they’d like;some people criticize me because they don’t like my taste; some people just don’t like this particular hair style or this particular outfit. So you’re exposed to all of those things. But for me, I think, as with every other woman, your clothes are an expression of yourself and of how you feel, and I have found that, over the years, I’ve gotten comfortable with a particular style.

And in my situation, also, there’s the added factor that when I choose something to wear, I realize that I’m not just dressing for myself, especially when I am abroad, I’m representing my country, I’m representing my people, so I have to always make sure that, I’m representing them the best way I possibly can. And also, sometimes I’m also representing a cause or I’m going for a particular purpose so I have to be dressed appropriately for that purpose. Whether I am going to visit a Bedouin village or whether I’m attending a speech and a conference in France you always have to think of the purpose.

Through your foundation* you promote access to education for young women and girls and encourage women’s access to employment. How are all these initiatives, in favour of the emancipation of women, perceived in a society where men have determined the laws and traditions?

I found that the society is very receptive. Again, there will always be elements of society that are conservative and want to hold on to certain traditions or norms, but for the most part people are beginning to really internalize the importance of women’s role. I think it's really becoming something that people are changing. It's not just a matter of changing policies, it’s a matter of changing cultural norms, social habits and perceptions. I think that that takes a while to change, but it's happening; the change is happening.

In what way?

Contrary to some general perceptions about Jordan, women are just as well educated as men -even moreso. Many women in Jordan have the freedom to go to work, to enter politics. We have women in the army, we have women judges, we have women CEOs in the private sector, doctors, nurses, etc., so they have their freedom. But the only thing that holds them back is the cultural norms and perceptions

Such as?

For example we have the culture of protectiveness of women— that you always have to protect the women, and sometimes this leads to dependency, so we have to basically encourage our children, our girls especially, to be more confident, more courageous, you know, to take strides. We should not only encourage it, we should expect it from them. There’s a saying that "A ship in the harbour is safe, but that’s not what ships are built for…",. So, for example, we find, in our part of the world, that when it comes to health and education women are just as educated and have access to health just as much as men, but that’s not reflected in the workplace. So, you have educated women, but they’re not working. You invest so much in educating them and you don’t reap the benefits of your investment.

Honour crimes, aimed at punishing a woman whose behaviour is considered insulting to her family by death, still exist in Jordan.

Yes, it exists and in Jordan, unfortunately, we have about 20 honour killings a year, but I feel that even one honour killing is too much. This is a crime that is not acceptable and it is not condoned by our religion. Islam does not allow people to take the law into their own hands and there is no honour in taking the law into your own hands and killing someone. It’s a very complex issue, and it's difficult to understand, and is in no way justifiable, but it relates to the extended family. In Jordan, the extended family is the most important social entity and there’s a very high value placed on honour, and moral conduct and all those things.

How can they be counteracted?

Through education. It's about explaining to people that it’s not part of our religion, that it's wrong to do this. Already this is happening, you know, it’s again more about changing, not just changing the law, it's more about changing mentalities and practices. We’re working very much at the grassroots through civil society organizations, through local activists, and religious activists as well. We’re finding that the country’s responding a bit more positively to this and people are beginning to we’ve seen a reduction in the numbers, but I think we just have to keep working. But I think it takes generations for these things.

You condemn all acts of terrorism. Moreover, you gave an address on the Ground Zero site after 9/11. Was that a personal decision?

Absolutely, because I felt, at the end of the day that we’re all the same you know, and I wanted to emphasise our common humanity... I think we were all horrified and completely saddened by what happened—the images of seeing those innocent civilians being killed, and those families. I met a lot of these families of victims, and, the thing that struck me most beyond the sadness and the devastation was the diversity. There were people from all over the world. This was not an attack against the United States, it was an attack against the entire world, I think. So many nations lost people and I knew it was such an horrific event and it was going to change our lives, and it really, really has changed our lives. And there were so many lessons to be learned … I’m not sure we learned our lessons yet, but I hope we can.

What do you mean by that?

I felt that our common humanity was coming under threat, because of all the suspicion between east and west. With all these perceptions against Muslims and all these perceptions against Americans and Europeans, I felt that there was so much focus on our differences that people were not looking beyond these differenced to see that at the end of the day we’re all human beings. We all care about the same things, we all worry about our children, our families and no-one should ever accept seeing this kind of murdering innocent civilians.

If you were an anonymous Jordanian, would you exercise the same liberty in speaking about women’s rights?

Well you know there are so many Jordanian women who are much tougher than me and who talk much more forcefully than me. Some of them think I’m too soft. We do have a lot of women who voice their opinions; we have a lot of feminists in Jordan. I think there is this perception that women in Jordan, and the Arab world, are all subjugated or oppressed, but although there are some women who are conservative, or who are too shy to discuss these issues, at the same time there are some women who are very, very independent.

What do you think of Benazir Bhutto’s statement that: “Being a Muslim woman is a challenge”?

I think that it depends on your perspective. I'd like to not see the challenge; I actually see a lot of opportunity in being an Arab woman, and I want to make use of these opportunities.

Is the struggle for women’s rights also something men should be involved in?

Absolutely. It’s something the whole society has to buy in to. My husband is the biggest supporter for women’s rights and not only because he believes in it from a human rights perspective, but also because he’s a good politician and a good economist and he realizes that in order for our country to develop and progress, then you have to use all your talent base— men, women— they have to be part of society.

You are Jordanian, born a Palestinian. Part of your family still lives in the West Bank. What was your perception of Hamas’ arrival in power?

Hamas came into power through free and democratic elections which reflect the wishes of the Palestinian people. Having said that, now we’re seeing that there are talks and negotiations that will lead to a unity government that hopefully will represent a broader perspective of the political parties. And I hope that they do reach that, because the Palestinians have been suffering so much. I hope that the unity government will come in, be accepted by the international community in order to relieve, and ease, some of the suffering of the Palestinian people.

The conflict between Palestine and Israel has reached very worrying levels; relations between Israel, Lebanon, Iran and Syria are very tense. Do you think that the situation might deteriorate further in the region?

Absolutely. We’re reaching new lows. I see that in Palestine, in Iraq. When you look at the Palestinian and Israeli conflict I think that we’ve allowed that to go on for far too long, and now there’s a generation of Palestinians who have never known peace in their lives and that’s a very dangerous phenomenon. Not only for Palestinians, not only for our region, but for the entire world. And it's important for the international community to really realize that they have a stake in the peace in our region and that the injustice and the suffering will, could be explosive for the whole world. It's very easy to be cynical to say that 'the Palestinians and the Israelis will never have peace'. They have to have peace. We know what it takes to have peace.
What must be done?

What we need now is real courage, we need the international community to be engaged and we need honest brokers—for people to not be taking either side, but to really look at this in an honest way and try to come up with a solution. Having honest brokers and honest dealers is the only way you’re going to have both sides comfortable with the deal, and therefore more likely to stick to it and not violate any terms of it. So I can’t overemphasise how important it is for us to resolve this conflict because so long as this conflict continues I think the tensions in our world will continue. And I feel that the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is the root cause of even the problems between East and West, the religious conflict, all of those! I’m not saying that they will disappear, but they will tone down a little bit if we can resolve this. If we solve the Palestinian/Israeli conflict, Bin Laden will not disappear tomorrow, but his power will be greatly diminished if we solve this problem, because he will not be able to rally people and convince them to follow him. He thrives on anger, so if we take away the sources of the anger, then he’ll be weakened.

How do you explain the fact that so many Muslims, including numerous young people, join terrorist and fundamentalist groups?

Well, when we say so many, I think we have to be careful. We have 1.2 billion Muslims all over the world— the vast majority of them are moderate and the vast majority of them will state very clearly that the Islam of Osama Bin Laden is not the real Islam. However, you do have a minority of people who do follow him, but they are a potent minority because they are able to use the modern communication tools to further their message and to get their voice out, and they’ve been very effective at doing that. And sometimes you find that these groups that are on the fringes, they’re very organized because they have an agenda, they have a mission and so they make sure that they get their message out there. And that’s why it’s important for people to know that although they are the loud ones, they’re the loud element, but they are still the minority. The silent majority, let’s say of Muslims, is definitely moderate Muslims. It’s very important to realize that from the West’s point of view, you can not judge an entire religion by the actions of its worst followers. I think that would be very unfair, and it would be completely wrong. Unfortunately we are seeing this phenomenon of people judging Islam according to people like Bin Laden or Zarqawi or these people, it’s unfortunate and misleading, I think.

“This mutual fear and mistrust and suspicion is the worst thing for our world because it builds walls between people, it doesn’t allow them to get together, to talk to each other.

Should this silent majority not express itself?

The Muslim majority of people who are moderate, they have to. They can’t afford to be complacent; they have to speak up for who they are. They have to. My husband and I always say in order to defy stereotypes we have to define ourselves. That’s why Jordan issued the ‘Amman Message’. Muslim scholars from all over the world came together and agreed on some core values which represent Islam and spoke clearly against people like Bin Laden. So we need to do that more, and at the same time we need to have partners on the other side. We need the rest of the world to reach out as well, and to not try to shield themselves by having these walls of suspicion all around them, just relying on stereotypes when they look at the Arab world.

How do you explain women committing suicide attacks?

There’s no way we can ever justify anybody taking the lives of innocent civilians. Having said that, it’s important to understand why this phenomenon takes place. Gender is not important, whether it takes place by man or woman is not important, the fact that it takes place in the first place is something that we should try to understand not justify.Just yesterday there was a report actually released by UNWRA, that there’s over one million Palestinians living below the poverty line so they are being exposed to a tremendous amount of suffering—lack of access to health or education, lack of mobility, fear for their own lives—so the tension and stress that they are under is tremendous and can not be described. I mean I know that women are struggling to feed their own children now and I’ve heard some particularly saddening stories of women leaving their children in clinics because they don’t have food back home – or all they have back home is sugar and tea. So it’s definitely sad, but in regards to the suicide bombings it’s very important no matter how much we look at this, to say that it's never justified to kill innocent civilians. Never.

You are worried, you often say, about the gap that is widening between the Arab world and the West.

I don’t think we’ve taken the time to really understand each other and there is this mutual fear, mistrust and suspicion. I think this is the worst thing for our world because it builds walls between people. It doesn’t allow them to get together, or to talk to each other. As I said before, living in the same neighbourhood is not multiculturalism. You have to invite people into your homes, into your hearts, into your minds. It’s important for us to break down those walls, to focus on our commonalities, our common humanity and stop focussing on the differences. And this is what we do. There is a quotation from Khalil Gibran that states, 'Your neighbour is your other self behind the wall, and in understanding all walls will fall down,' so once you understand, the walls start to break down. So, what we need is a revolution of acceptance

You also emphasise the West’s ignorance concerning Islamic women…?

When I travel abroad, I'm always astonished and touched by the wrong interpretations concerning Muslim women. For example, being a feminist and a Muslim is not a contradiction in terms. In the history of Islam, for example - and many Westerners will not be aware of this - there are numerous examples of influential women in the political, scientific, military, business and industrial domains. Islam gives women many rights. Nowadays, the greatest challenges for Muslim women with regard to rights and equality are not situated in the religious arena where they are granted rights, but in the social and cultural arenas. We cannot judge the reality of millions of Muslim women by watching short items on the television or reading the headlines. It is necessary to make the effort to approach them, to speak to them, to listen to their life stories.

How can these walls be torn down?

Just like over the past ten years in business, corporate social responsibility moved from a trend to a way of doing business, and then to criteria for success in the global economy. Now, we need to make multiculturalism and acceptance also part of the way we do things. Whether it's in the business world, companies should be required to educate their employees about other parts of the world and maybe hire employees from other parts of the world;school curricula should be looking at teaching children about other parts of the world, community projects … in every aspect of life, I think. So we really need to have, as I said, a revolution of acceptance in order to replace this fear and suspicion.

Do you have a message for women?

My message would go for women all over the world—to really recognize that they have to do their best to bridge this gap between East and West, and to really bring people together and to try to diffuse some of these tensions, these hatreds, and these fears that exist in our world. As women, we think of the world in terms of what we will leave behind for our children, and we don’t want to leave behind a world where our children are scared to travel, scared to get on a plane, or scared to go to university in a particular country. I want to leave a world behind similar to the world I grew up in, where we didn’t really have to think twice about these things.


© Copyright, Elle Magazine PrintUp

Thursday, June 1, 2006
With Kathleen Matthews
Washnigton Life
Editor's note:

All hail the Queen

Queen Rania of Jordan was the guest of honor at the Mosaic Foundation Gala. In an exclusive interview for WL, ABC-7 News Anchor Kathleen Matthews captures the young Queen candidly discussing the push and pull of modernity and tradition in the Arab world, the evolving role of women in the region, and her love of films and vegging out at home watching 24 and Desperate Housewives.

QUEEN RANIA: AN EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

At 35, Her Majesty has a world of experience behind her ... and a world of expectations ahead

She's a queen who admits to zoning out in front of the TV while watching her favorite shows, Desperate Housewives and 24. On the weekends, she and her husband cook on the barbeque grill in their palace garden and watch movies. "Being Queen is not who I am, but what I do," she recently told Oprah Winfrey. Her Majesty Queen Rania Al-Abdullah of Jordan is showing the world a new face of Arab women and it's perhaps the most beautiful face in the world. After meeting Jordan's royal couple, King Abdullah bin Al-Hussein and Queen Rania, at a private lunch hosted at their palace in Amman in honor of Catherine and Wayne Reynolds, I began an email exchange with the Queen for Washington Life magazine.

During our exchanges, she was in the midst of a fourday working trip to three U.S. cities to promote cross-cultural understanding between U.S. and Arab youth and children. One of those stops was here in Washington, where she was the honored guest alongside First Lady Laura Bush at the Mosaic Foundation 9th Annual Benefit Dinner to raise money for a new Arab-language Sesame Street program.

In a town that has its fair share of kings, queens, presidents, premiers and princesses passing through, Washingtonians were dazzled by the young Jordanian queen, not only for her beauty, but for the power of her words and passion about educating women in the Middle East and around the world. "In my mind, poverty is a she," she told Oprah during her recent U.S. tour. And while she also confessed that she was "terrified" when she became Queen at age 29, Rania is using her throne to improve the lives of women, children and families around the world. In June, she will host women leaders from around the globe at the Dead Sea for a conference to make sure that girls everywhere have access to education.

Back in Jordan, as my husband Chris and I drove to meet the royal couple at their home, we passed several billboards of King Abdullah, Queen Rania and their four children ages 12 to one-year old. She has come a long way. Born in Kuwait, this daughter of a Jordanian doctor of Palestinian descent fled with her family to Jordan when Saddam Hussein invaded. She went on to earn a degree in business from the American University in Cairo and worked in banking before marrying (then) Prince Abdullah thirteen years ago.

When we arrived for lunch at their new palace, which they waited 10 years to build, King Abdullah grinned warmly as he and his wife greeted their American guests. Like the newly built mansions in Potomac, squares of green turf are still piled up to complete the landscaping and sprinklers keep the new growth alive in a country that is more rock than rich loam. The architecture is Islamic but inside it could be Santa Fe. I ask Queen Rania about the design: "The main idea was to have a 'home' not a 'palace' - that was really important for us as a family … you know, somewhere that is warm and cozy," she writes. "Of course, it has to be friendly and relaxed for entertaining, and yet it also needs to cater for the more formal aspect of our lives. The architecture is Islamic which I have a great passion for, and the interior is quite contemporary … accentuated with Islamic artifacts which encapsulate what Jordan is all about … tradition and modernity comfortably side by side."

The traditional Jordanian meal is at mid-day and begins with hot and cold Arabic mezza, a selection of finger-foods that are served prior to the main meal. The palace dining room is a blend of elegant modern furniture with Islamic accents. It could be any Washington dinner party with lively conversation that flows from politics to culture. As King Abdullah discusses the challenges facing his country and his region, Queen Rania listens intently but doesn't hesitate to add her views. What emerges in their give and take is a true partnership between a modern king and his well-educated, deeply reflective wife, who is also thoughtful enough to serve her American guests pecan pie with vanilla ice cream for dessert - she doesn't miss a detail

Over lunch, she describes how her husband, King Abdullah, has taken great risks to be a beacon in the efforts to promote peace in the Middle East. "I am very proud of my husband's leadership in Jordan, in our region, and beyond. He firmly believes that leaders have a responsibility to reach out beyond their own borders, engage the rest of the world, and build a community of partners to mobilize real change - and he's 'walked that talk,' carrying Islam's message of peace, tolerance, and moderation to people of all faiths, in all corners of the world, from political leaders in Asia to high school students in America to business men and women on the global stage."

As a Palestinian woman, Queen Rania speaks passionately about her hopes for a Palestinian state. "I believe that establishing a viable Palestinian state is crucial not just for stability in our region, but for security around the world. I would say the same, regardless of whether or not I was of Palestinian origin myself. For too long, people in our region have been weighed down with conflict and all its burdens. Their days are punctuated with images of despair and destruction, horror and heartbreak. For Americans, the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians may be a distant problem, but for us in the region, we live it every day.

These are the harsh realities for thousands of our region's youth, on whom our future depends, and I believe that all of us who care about peace and progress share a responsibility to restore security to their lives and ensure they have opportunity, hope, and a sustainable economic future." Like her husband, Queen Rania is Muslim and prays five times a day, at sunrise, mid-day, in the afternoon, evening and every night. She makes clear that faith plays an important part in her life, but values personal choice in the way women publicly express their faith.

"I believe that tradition and modernity can move forward together, and I think we're seeing evidence of that in a number of places in the Middle East. If you walk down the streets in Amman, you'll see some women in traditional dress and others in more contemporary fashions - and you may well see a woman wearing a veil and tailored business suit as well, speaking perfect English into the mobile phone pressed to her ear. I don't wear a veil myself; it's a matter of personal choice. But I think that many in the West mistakenly view the veil as a symbol of oppression, when in fact it's a sign of modesty, piety, and devotion to God. We need to be careful not to base our judgments of people on outward factors, such as appearances. If we do that, we risk relying on stereotypes that prevent us from looking deeper below the surface."

Fluent in both English and Arabic, Queen Rania displays an impressive command of current American cinema. "I thought Syriana was very thought-provoking in that it captured the complexities and nuances of our region, and cast a light on the magnitude of the challenges we face," she says. "Crash was another film which left me thinking; the interconnected stories were both sobering and fascinating. I thought that this film was a brave, and necessary, attempt to explore and confront racial attitudes and deep-rooted stereotypes that exist in society. These two films have succeeded in really making people consider issues from a different perspective. That's very valuable." The young Queen strikes me as woman who has given a great deal of thought, not only to the movies she sees, but also to the challenges of her region and the full potential of her position. "I never expected my life to turn out the way it did. I certainly never aspired to be a queen; but here I am, and this extraordinary privilege has given me a rare opportunity and platform from which to speak for those whose voices might not otherwise be heard. I take that responsibility very seriously.

So many of the issues people care about in Jordan - like peace, and jobs, and health care, and education - are concerns shared by others around the world, especially in developing countries. That's why I support organizations like UNICEF, the Global Alliance for Vaccinations and Immunization Fund, the World Health Organization, and the Foundation for International Community Assistance, which are all, in their own ways, striving to close the "hope gap" that separates people from birth into those who have a future and those who don't." But Queen Rania also shares in the mission with her husband to communicate the message of Jordan and its people to the rest of the world. "We want people to be aware of what I like to call 'the other Middle East,'" she says with a determination that belies her years. "I do not want people to see only negative images which too often fill the television screens. Rather, I want them to see in Jordan a land rich in culture, full of potential and populated by peace-loving citizens. That's the Middle East I know and love."

A CULTURAL MOSAIC

Star-studded gala heralds the arrival of Sesame Mosaic across the Arab world

First Lady Laura Bush was there, so was Queen Rania Al-Abdullah of Jordan and all the Arab Ambassadors and their spouses. But with all the diplomatic and political notables inside the National Building Museum, it was a pair of Muppets who stole the show - beloved Elmo and Khokha from the Egyptian Sesame Street co-production, Alam Simsim. The major benefi ciary of Mosaic Foundation's Ninth Annual Benefi t Gala “Education: A Two Way Street” was Sesame Mosaic, a project designed to educate preschool children in the Arab world and the U.S. about mutual respect, and basic literacy and math.

Standing in front of a dramatic backdrop of colossal columns and fl owing 60-foot curtains, gala honorary chair Laura Bush and guest of honor Queen Rania, both spoke of breaking down cultural barriers and offering early education to children. With the amount of daily press focused on the war on terror, it was a welcomed respite to hear of a U.S. and Arab initiative that strikes at the core of cultural misunderstandings. “President Bush and I thank you for your dedication and your service, and we especially appreciate your commitment to strengthen the ties between America and the peoples of the Arab world,” said the First Lady before passing the podium to Queen Rania, who dazzled in an emerald green Gucci gown paired with a traditional Jordanian belt

The Mosaic Foundation (www.mosaicfound. org) is an American charitable and educational organization founded and run by the spouses of Arab Ambassadors to the United States. To date, the foundation has awarded more than $8 million to organizations improving the lives of women and children globally and increasing understanding and appreciation of Arab culture in the United States. Gala Chair Luma Kawar, the wife of the Jordanian ambassador, opened the evening by elaborating on the theme “Education: A Two Way Street,” saying: “The free-flow exchange of goods and ideas depends on trust. The foundation of trust is understanding which can only be attained through communication.” Sesame Workshop, the nonprofi t educational organization behind Sesame Street and Alam Simsim, has a long history in the Arab world. In 1979, the Workshop created its fi rst production in Arabic with Iftah Ya Simsim in Kuwait.

The organization has since established coproductions in Jordan and Palestine. Now, with the support of the Mosaic Foundation, more Arab children will be exposed to literacy skills and the diversity of cultures thanks to the creative puppetry of the Sesame Workshop. Episodes are to be shot in Arabic with messages focusing on education and common understanding.

One should only look as far as Egypt to see the positive impact Sesame Mosaic can have. In a country where over 50 percent of women are illiterate, Khokha stands as a role model for girls. One day, she wants to be a doctor. On another, she aspires to be a pilot. And on yet another day, she wants to become a librarian … inspiring a generation of Egyptian girls to do the same.

Khokha: You're involved in many charities focusing on women and children; why is Sesame Mosaic important?

Queen Rania: Just as “America” is not a monolithic bloc, but a glorious mosaic of fi fty different states and a multitude of communities, each with their own special character, so too the Arab region encompasses a wide variety of cultures, customs, and experience. Sesame Mosaic will encourage Arab children to explore the world they inhabit - to be proud of where they come from and how much they have to offer, and to participate actively in the intercultural exchange that inspires and enriches humanity.

Khokha: What impact do you think television shows about Arab children will have in the U.S.?

Queen Rania: It's important to learn about people different from themselves. But just as important as teaching children to appreciate each other's differences, a show like Sesame Mosaic can help reveal the many ways in which we're all the same. We all love our families. We all cherish our friends. We all have passions, hopes, and dreams - and worries too. My hope is that Sesame Mosaic, and other similarly inspired initiatives, can help all our children grow up with a genuine sense of fellowship with others around the world.


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